home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
CNN Newsroom: Global View
/
CNN Newsroom: Global View.iso
/
txt
/
fbis
/
fbis0392.009
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1994-05-02
|
16KB
|
329 lines
<text>
<title>
Greek Official Discusses Balkans, Turkey, Economy
</title>
<article>
<hdr>
Foreign Broadcast Information Service, March 17, 1992
Greece: Mitsotakis Discusses Balkans, Turkey, Economy
</hdr>
<body>
<p>[Interview with Prime Minister Konstandinos Mitsotakis by
Evangelos Antonaros; place and date not given: "We Greeks Will
Always Extend Our Hands to Turkey". Hamburg DIE WELT (Welt
Report Supplement) in German 12 Mar 92 p 1]
</p>
<p> [Text] [Antonaros] A year ago you spoke about a "possible
disaster" in the Balkans. Since then the situation has become
very critical in Yugoslavia. What are Greece's worries?
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] Yugoslavia is the most serious problem in the
Balkans, but it is not the only one. There are numerous smaller
problems that can erupt if the main problem, Yugoslavia, were to
develop in the wrong direction or if it were tackled
inadequately by all of us who stand outside. That is our main
concern at the moment.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] What problems are you referring to in particular?
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] First of all, Albania, one of our neighbors,
where the situation is most unstable. In early 1991 I paid a
short visit to Tirana, where I achieved a breakthrough in
Greek-Albanian relations after tough negotiations with Albanian
President Alia. The chaos there now has created an unpredictable
situation. To what extent is Alia able to control political
developments? Production has virtually collapsed, as has the
agricultural sector. What will be the effects of the famine?
Will there be a new exodus toward Greece or other neighboring
countries?
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Hardly any other country seems prepared to accept
Albanian refugees, not least because of the criminal elements
who would come along.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] That is very true. Italy sends them back,
sometimes in a cruel manner. We cannot provide shelter to large
numbers either. At the moment, Albania's problem is whether it
is possible to reconstruct the country and to place the economy
on a sound footing again. We are ready to support Albania, but
the Albanians, perhaps because of the political situation at
home, are not particularly cooperative. Agreements, such as one
on the opening of three Greek consulates in southern Albania,
which has a population of ethnic Greeks, are not being honored.
We have nothing against the massive Italian commitment there,
but we are not too happy about the presence of Italian-only
army units in Albania. Tirana rejected our military aid in
connection with relief aid in the humanitarian sphere.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Do you worry about the Greek minority?
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] Yes, that is our first concern. The Greek
minority and its rights must be protected. It is not enough to
do this only with words. The Greeks in Albania are concerned
and we want to reassure them, because we want them to stay there
and not come to us in large numbers.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Back to Yugoslavia. Greece is playing a special
role because it also has special interests there.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] We see the problem from a different perspective
than some other Europeans. We do not deny that we have a
tradition of good relations with Serbia for historical reasons.
When I met with Lord Carrington, we agreed that the blame for
what happened in Yugoslavia must be divided. We are of the
opinion that the Serbs take more of the blame than the Croats.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Anyway, in connection with the disintegration of
Yugoslavia, Greece's main problem is Skopje.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] Exactly. We believe that the republic of Skopje
(this is the official Greek term for the Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia--the editors) has not fulfilled the guarantees that
we demanded and that were supported by the EC. Apart from that,
this region, which is seeking independence and which claims for
itself the name of Macedonia in violation of all historic and
ethnic conditions, has enormous economic and security problems.
Apart from Greece, which does not have any territorial claims,
the position of all its other neighbors is at best unclear. Even
if this republic were to become independent, it is extremely
doubtful whether it could survive. It, therefore, makes sense
for this state to enter into a confederation with Serbia,
Montenegro, and Bosnia-Hercegovina.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] To Western ears, Greece's position in connection
with your northern neighbor sounds like one of maximum demands.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] That is not true. The government has even
condemned the trade boycott against two EC countries, the
Netherlands and Italy, which were said to favor an independent
republic of Macedonia. The spontaneous reaction of the people,
however, shows how the average Greek feels on this subject.
Germany and our other partners must understand that this is not
a minor problem, but one of key importance. Macedonia has never
existed as an independent state and was only an entity of the
Komintern under Stalin and Tito. We only want the propaganda in
connection with an alleged minority in Greece to cease and for
the campaign that misuses the name of Macedonia to stop. Even
Saudi Arabia, which covers nine-tenths of the Arabian Peninsula
and has Mecca and Medina on its territory, does not call itself
Arabia, but restricts itself out of consideration for the other
Arab countries. With a population of only 2 million of various
races and peoples, how can Macedonia claim this historic title
exclusively for itself?
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Still, to the outside world the impression has
been created that Greece is seeking to preserve Yugoslavia--a
Yugoslavia that can no longer be saved--by any means.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] In retrospect, I believe we were right with our
proposals, first to preserve the former Yugoslavia, and
subsequently a smaller, let us say, truncated Yugoslavia. One
should not forget that completely independent states will not
try to solve border problems with particularly peaceful
methods. As we can see even Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Skopje
Republic have now been affected.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Still, a clear majority of the population of
Bosnia-Hercegovina voted in favor of independence.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] However positive it may be from the point of
view of independence, the result of the Bosnian referendum does
not count as long as one-third of the population--the Serbs--do not want to follow this course or think along completely
different lines. It is therefore absolutely necessary to save a
minor Yugoslavia at the very last minute. It is inconceivable
that Bosnia or Skopje will have a currency, army, or foreign
policy of their own. Such a small Yugoslavia might not only
solve Greece's special problem but could even guarantee the
security of the entire region. Meanwhile, even Germany seems to
proceed more cautiously and is normalizing its relations with
Serbia, which is what Greece has always advocated. Milosevic's
position of the past few weeks shows that he acts seriously and
with a sense of responsibility, which is what we have always
claimed.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Nevertheless, Slovenia and Croatia are now
pursuing independent courses.
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] That is true, This is why I am talking of a
solution for what remains of Yugoslavia; one must not forget
that without a solution of the Serbian problem, a normalization
of the situation in Croatia will be impossible.
</p>
<p> [Antonaros] Albania is ungovernable and Yugoslavia is
entrenched in a civil war. Greece has recently been working on
close cooperation with Bulgaria. Yet even this sphere seems to
have entered a crisis. Why?
</p>
<p> [Mitsotakis] Despite earlier political differences, we
developed particularly good relations with Bulgaria. Still, the
emergence of the new government is casting a shadow, and not
only because it is very fragile and--as far as we can see--will hardly be able to survive more than a few months.
Relations with us have deteriorated because the minority
government there d